Journey to Erbil and Nineveh. A report on CASCA’s trip to Northern Iraq.

Nineveh Taskforce 

Recognizing a Reality

Nineveh; Nightmare and Safe Haven

 




 

Journey to Erbil and Nineveh.
A report on CASCA’s trip to Northern Iraq

____________

November 13-23, 2010

Prepared by Robert DeKelaita, Ismat Karmo, Joseph Kassab, Guiliana Younan, Sabah Hermiz1

 



This CASCA trip was decided upon by the CASCA Board pursuant to a continuing effort to be in contact with organizations, individuals, and government officials in Iraq, in the interest of facilitating better communication and contact. CASCA’s previous trips have been recorded and made available to the public.2

The trip became of critical importance after the massacre of churchgoers on Sunday, October 31, 2010, in Baghdad, Iraq.

The trip began from Chicago (Guiliana Younan and Robert DeKelaita) and from Detroit (Ismat Karmo, Joseph Kassab, and Sabah Hermiz). We met in Chicago and flew to Frankfurt, Germany, where we met with the KRG’s Washington Representative, Mr. Dasko Sherwani. After a few hours at Frankfort, we headed to Iraq.

On November 13, 2010, we landed in Erbil to a VIP welcome. Upon our arrival at the airport, our luggage was processed and placed in government vehicles. We were then driven to Nobel Hotel at the entrance of the town of Ankawa, which is only a few minutes from the Erbil airport.

On the very same night, we were greeted by Mr. Johnson Siyawoosh, from the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian Popular Council (PC). We had a brief meeting and discussions and retired for the night. Mr. Siyawoosh is a prominent member of the PC.

On the morning of November 14, 2010, we contacted Mr. Younadim Kanna, a prominent Iraqi Parliament member and the Secretary General of the Assyrian Democratic Movement, in Baghdad, Iraq, and informed him that we wanted to meet with him and other leaders of the ADM and offered to meet in either Baghdad or Ankawa. Mr. Kanna informed us that his preference was to meet in Baghdad, but that a meeting in Ankawa was also possible, via other officials of the ADM, at the branch office there. Mr. Kanna informed us that a general meeting of the ADM was to take place in Baghdad and that most of the leadership would be there. He suggested we either come to Baghdad or wait for the end of the Baghdad meeting.

CASCA also contacted Mr. Basim Ballo, the mayor of Tell Kepe, and informed him that we would likely visit Tell Kepe soon. He noted that he was about to go to Baghdad and would return. He informed us that he would be happy to see us.

A subsequent conversation was had between Mr. Younadim Kanna and Mr. Robert DeKelaita, in which various issues concerning the current crises and cohesion of the Christian parties were discussed.

On November 14, 2010, we met Dr. Fuad Hussein and Mr. Falah Mustapha Bakir, the Chief of Staff of President Barzani and the Head of the Foreign Relations Department, respectively. The meeting was attended by the CASCA delegation and Mr. Dasko Sherwani. A very fruitful discussion was had on the current tragedy being experienced by the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian people in Iraq, namely the massacre at the Church of Sayidat Najat in Baghdad and its consequences.

Mr. Ismat Karmo pointed out that the current situation was one in a series of problems encountered by our community and that this long line of tragic events, CASCA felt, could be better handled if the question of an autonomous region was better supported by the KRG.

Dr. Hussein pointed out that the issue of autonomy was not as immediate as the current tragedy and asked for our help in helping the refugees. The needs of the IDPs are apparent he noted; security, jobs, housing, transportation, education, and healthcare, and called for a strong role of Christian churches.

Mr. Robert DeKelaita stressed that Iraq had the very first responsibility toward its citizens, a point well understood by Dr. Hussein and Mr. Bakir. The KRG, they informed us, was forming a committee to deal with the issue of Christian refugees that were going to be coming into the KRG region. The burden, Dr. Fuad Hussein noted, was too great for the KRG to shoulder alone and noted that Baghdad was not responding properly. The KRG’s position, as expressed by Dr. Fuad Hussein, is that Article 140 of the Iraqi constitution holds the key and that pressing forward with it will help all parties. Mr. Guiliana Younan and Mr. Joseph Kassab praised Mr. Dasko Sherwani for his work with the community in the United States and noted that a partnership with the KRG could be agreed upon in DC.

It should be noted that the KRG leadership is asking for CASCA’s assistance to better connect with US Administration and Congress. Specifically, there is a need to have members of the US Administration and US Congress visit Kurdistan. Also the KRG is suggesting forging a partnership in the form of joint committee to quickly find help in the U.S and Europe to assist our IDPs.

The KRG and CASCA agreed that they do not want our people to leave the Kurdistan region when they arrive there. Again, CASCA suggested to KRG representatives that the plight of our people and that autonomy should be officially addressed by their Government and Parliament. At least a resolution should be introduced to that effect.

KRG’s officials collectively are requesting Iraqi American Christians to come to Kurdistan and invest. This will help our IDPs. Finally, the KRG officials suggested that all Christians of Iraq must unite and work together.

On November 14, 2010, we also met with Mr. Sarkis Aghajan, at his residence in Ankawa. Mr. Aghajan is the former Minister of Finance in the KRG. All of the CASCA delegation was present, as well as Mr. Johnson Siyawoosh. Discussion centered on the issue of autonomy and its possibilities in either the Nineveh Plain or in the KRG areas – such as Ankawa and other towns and villages. Mr. Aghajan demonstrated a keen awareness of the issues facing our people and displayed a deep commitment toward our goals and mission to remain and strengthen our existence through ties to the land. 

After the meeting with Mr. Aghajan, on the evening of November 14, 2010, we met with PC’s head, and three other members, including Mr. Johnson Siyawoosh. Discussion centered on the issue of autonomy for Chaldean Syriac Assyrian parties working together. The following points were reiterated by the PC:

1. Nineveh province hires Christians in a police force, but then intentionally assigns them to dangerous and hot spots forcing them to quit.
2. In Qaraqosh, a Christian village, once a month there is a new petition to build a mosque.
3. There is a serious attempt to change the ChadoAssyrian vllages’ demography;
4. PC’s Parliament member will submit the demand for an Autonomous Region as the only viable solution to the Iraqi Parliament;
5. ChaldoAssyrian people today believe in the Autonomous Region more than any other time in history;
6. ADM is distorting the AR and creating fears among Arab nationalist, a claim that AR is Kurdish plan to annex the Nineveh plain to KRG.
7. City of Qaraqosh is 45,000 people have 20 city council members, 8 of them are ChaldoAssyrian, and the rest are Muslims.
8. Translating the idea of AR into action, and forcing the others to accept it as a reality on the ground.
9. Implement the AR plan in KRG as step one and then in Nineveh plain as step two.
10. Demand to unify the ChaldoAssyrian parties and organizations political agenda.
11. Serious desire to unify the efforts and work together as one front even if ADM desired to stay out of the alliance.

On November 15, 2010, we met with the Governor of Erbil, Mr. Nawzad Mawlood, to discuss local issues in the town of Erbil and Ankawa. The idea of cooperating in various matters – such as a university - was discussed. The governor informed us that the government is forming a committee to help Christian refugees from Baghdad and other parts of Iraq who are coming into the northern areas. At the time of this writing, the numbers of refugees heading into the northern areas has numbered approximately 700 families.

The Governor of Erbil will open the door for investors and support all NGOs to assist IDPs. Universities are overloaded and there is a need to establish more with foreign investment. He stated that he is willing to have a liaison between his office and our community in Erbil via CASCA.

In addition to discussion on local matters in Erbil, the Governor had notified us that an international team had located the ancient Assyrian Temple ‘of the Four Gods’ (the name of the city of Erbil, or Arba’ilu). The team would dig into the citadel of Erbil (apparently by going down via a 50 sq. meter entry down to the original city). The CASCA team had an opportunity to view the team meeting.

The ancient city of Erbil is the oldest extant city in the world, and was one of the cities of ancient Assyria that survived the fall of Nineveh and of the Assyrian empire. The site, undoubtedly, would be a major tourist destination. The Governor welcomed the CASCA team to visit the citadel and offered to accompany us.

Also on November 15, 2010, we met with the Minister of Interior, Mr. Karim Sinjari. One of the major points expressed to us was a very strong concern about the image of the KRG among Americans and pled with us to help in this regard. Specifically, the Minister pointed out that our groups in the United States and Europe have played a role in unfairly criticizing the KRG and Kurds in general. He sought our partnership in many matters and this will be discussed in a future CASCA meeting. The CASCA team, as with Dr. Fuad Hussein, noted that we welcomed the opportunity to become partners – in DC – so that better communication and coordination be possible in this regard. Mr. Sinjari agreed that this was a wonderful idea.
The KRG Minster of Interior strongly desires to see Americans helping. He noted that there was a need to build 1500 schools in the area. He asked the CASCA team, and our community in the West, not to encourage Christians to leave Iraq, but to take part in rebuilding it.

During the evening of November 15, 2010, we met with heads of our parties – particularly those who either left the PC or were ousted (we are still unsure since both parties’ statements on this are inexplicably opposed). These included the following:
- The Assyrian Patriotic Party (headed by Mr. Nimrod Baito, the former Minister of Tourism);
- The Bet Nahrain Democratic Party (headed by Mr. Romeo Hakkari, former parliament member of the KRG);
- The Chaldean Democratic Forum (headed by Mr. Saeed Shamaya)
- The Chaldean National Congress (headed by Mr. Dhia Petrus) did not attend but attended another meeting
on November 16.

It had been resolved that CASCA will attempt to reconcile these parties – along with others, including the Assyrian Democratic Movement - and will issue a recommendation at a later time.

Subsequently, CASCA met with Dhia Petrus, the head of the Chaldean National Congress. He expressed a desire for unity, but also noted that he had reservations about PC, noting that it has transformed itself from an umbrella organization into political party. Mr. Petrus noted that the national name of our people should be left for a future debate or discussion, but essentially agreed that the current name in use (Chaldean Syriac Assyrian) can suffice for now. He noted that punishing the people who object created animosity and stubbornness. Mr. Petrus proposed the idea of having a national comprehensive convention and agree on one united message and political platform.

CASCA also met with the Chaldean Educational Association Board in Ankawa.
The Board encouraged the people in the United States to invest in the KRG area. The Board noted that there was hardship facing the ChaldoAssyrian IDPs due to their lack of knowledge of the Kurdish language. They were unable to find jobs, in particular if they were professionals or had to transfer as students. The Board expressed a need for our parties to unify and agrees that the Autonomous Region is the only viable solution to stop people from migrating out of their land.

Prior to CASCA members’ arrival in Iraq, it was clear that one of the objectives of the trip was to meet with political parties in an attempt to coordinate between them and bring them together. Prior to the trip, while in the United States, CASCA members had begun the process by meeting with various representatives of these parties.
At times it became necessary to meet several times to work out difficulties. CASCA diligently worked to bring the various parties to the table and come to an agreement to work together. In the end, an agreement was had between the Chaldean National Council, the Chaldean Educational Association, the Bet Nahrain Democratic Party, and the Chaldean Democratic Forum to form a political committee within the PC and join the two existing parties, the Bet Nahrain Patriotic Union and the Syriac Independent Movement.
The Chaldean Democratic Party (Mr. Abdel Ahad Afram) and The Assyrian Patriotic Party (Mr. Nimrod Beito) did not agree to be in the Committee.
The agreement was signed by these seven parties with the PC and the chairman of CASCA, Mr. Ismat Karmo, on Tuesday November 23, 2010 just prior to leaving to the airport.
The agreement contained the recommendation made by CASCA that all the parties in this political committee do their best to work with the initiation made by the ADM and bring all the other parties in a larger format that include everyone. Specifically CASCA requested that they should attend the meeting called by the ADM on the following Friday to accomplish this objective. There was a full agreement with this request and the subsequent meetings developed the coordination of the parties.

On November 16, 2010, CASCA met with His Grace, bishop Bashar Matte Warda at Mar Yousip Church in Ankawa. His Grace is an energetic and intellectual man who is committed to strengthening the existence of the community. His primary project now is to build a university in the Ankawa area that can accommodate thousands of students and create jobs for our people. “We do not want anything from others,” he said, “not from the Arabs and not from the Kurds. We will earn it ourselves.” The university must be affiliated with one in the US, noted the bishop, and called on CASCA to help. The bishop expressed interest in the program noted by Mr. Joseph Kassab as well as the links with the University of Chicago (via Mr. Robert DeKelaita). In part, the Bishop desires to build this university to help our people’s refugees become students and instructors.
The bishop noted that he has land and a budget to complete the required facility. He envisioned the university of have 10,000 students and to support the infrastructure of Ankawa and the existence of our people there. Unless plans and projects such as this were undertaken, the Bishop noted, the existence of the ChaldoAssyrians was endangered.

CASCA was cordially greeted by Dr. Kemal Kerkuki, the President of the Kurdistan Parliament, along with Mr. Khani Hejar, a Senior Advisor (who also acted as interpreter), Mr. Aso Karim Mohammed, the Chairman of Public Relations, as well as another assistant who took notes.
Dr. Kerkuki expressed a strong concern about the image of the KRG’s mistreatment of the Chaldean Syriac Assyrians. He noted that there was a need to cooperate to improve this image. He also noted that the US administration has failed to understand and support the KRG as is necessary since the US and the KRG share a similar political culture and have similar interests in the area. CASCA’s team expressed a desire for the parliament and other responsible authorities to take a stronger position regarding the Autonomous Region, as set forth in the constitution of the KRG.

On November 17, 2010, we visited the town of Shaqlawa, where we saw old churches. CASCA observed two disturbing matters on this trip:

1) a man whose wife had converted to Islam was visiting and praying at the ancient church of Mar Youhanan in Shaqlawa with his two children. They sat for hours praying. When we asked what their situation was, the facts were very disturbing to us: the man's wife had left him for a Muslim Kurdish man and had herself converted to Islam.

The wife was now filing a complaint to take away the children and to make sure the conversion - of the children who were Christian - to Islam was completed.

According to the law of the land when a mother or father converts to Islam, the children are obligated to also convert - even if the father, who had custody, objected and even if the children objected. When we asked what could be done, one priest suggested that the man flee Iraq.

2) On the road to Shaqlawa, there is a cave high up in the mountain. It has been known to our people as Rabban Boya. This is an ancient Shrine of our Assyrian/Chaldean/Syriac people. It is sad today that Muslim Kurds identify it as one of their own shrines, using an Islamic term for it, and visiting it to pray.

CASCA was disappointed to learn there is no cross, no sign, and no statue of Rabban Boya allowed by the local authorities. Not only is this historic site disrespected and vandalized, but its very identity is being undermined. CASCA takes strong interest in the preservation and respect for our historic sites and calls upon the KRG for stronger protection of such sites.

The above matters, as well as others, will be further discussed in future meetings.

On Thursday, November 18, 2010, we departed from Ankawa and met with His Grace Mar Ishaq, the head of the Dohuk state for the Assyrian Church of the East.

The Bishop stressed that we in CASCA must look for something more than mere projects. He emphasized that neither the Kurds nor the Arabs have treated us fairly and have not given us our fair share in Iraq. He felt that parliament members (all 5) are pointless in Iraq and cannot do anything other than earn a living. The Bishop’s frustrations with the system were echoed on
many occasions by common ChaldoAssyrians.

Mar Ishaq analogized the dying of our nation to a dying body and noted that our problem is one of leadership - not of the Churches - but of secular entities. He felt that the idea and resolution of the Autonomous Region was the only solution for us and that the KRG needed to move to implement this. He was very forceful in making this point and expressed his disappointment that our people – Chaldean Syriac Assyrians – have not gotten their fair share after the fall of the [Saddam Hussein] regime. He felt it is incumbent on the Kurdish authorities to view our plight as a part of their problem, taking into consideration that the KRG’s very existence depended on its neighbors.

Mar Ishaq felt that a strong KRG is in the interest of our people but that the KRG, and specifically President Masud Barzani, must make a stronger effort to push forward the issue of autonomy as set forth in the constitution of the KRG. “This autonomy file,” he noted, “must be moved from the bottom of the pile to the top of the pile.”

Also on November 18, 2010, we met with Mr. Abdulahad Afram of the Chaldean Union. After much discussion, it seemed that Mr. Afram was ready to join the ranks of other groups in putting forth a more united effort. In the conclusion of the meeting, Mr. Afram expressed hope that our people could and would come together.

After our meeting with Mr. Abdulahad Afram, on the afternoon of November 18, 2010, we headed to the villages of Dere and Komane to meet with His Grace Mar Rabban, the Chaldean Catholic bishop of Dohuk. His Grace emphasized self-reliance and peace with our brothers, the Kurds and Arabs, and noted that we needed to work together for the betterment of all - citing examples from the education he espoused to his students. He noted that a secular constitution was in the interest of all.
His Grace is an intellectual who proudly lives in a village that he views as thriving. He did note, sadly, that the youth lacked an attachment to the land and had little desire to work – thinking instead of migrating out. His Grace believes that our people’s destiny is as one and must be in harmony with the rest of the people of Iraq.

On November 19, 2010, Mr. Ismat Karmo, Mr. Sabah Hermiz, and Mr. Joseph Kassab visited the villages of Ain Sifni, Tell Kepe, and Alqush.

In a meeting with Mr. Semo Alo Arab, of the Yezidi group, the following points were made:
• The oppression the Yezidi face from Islamic fundamentalist far exceeds
that of the Christians in Iraq;
• The Yezidis are not well organized and have no international support;
• Most Yezidi people believe they are Kurds ethnically and feel that people who claim they are Arabs do so out of fear.
• The Yezidi people support the Autonomous Region and wish to be with the ChaldoAssyrian in one province.
• Like the Christians, the Yezidi people are leaving the country in high numbers.
• Culturally it is easier for them to live with the ChaldoAssyrians than Islamic Arabic or even Kurdish culture.
• Yezidi villages have no opportunity for professionals to find jobs.

CASCA members, Mr. Ismat Karmo and Mr. Joseph Kassab, met with our people in the monastery of Mar Matti (or Sheikh Matti). The meeting took place between CASCA and Mar Timatheous A’shamani, Fr. Yousif Fehmi and six other priests. The following points were noted:

• The conviction is that there should be relocation of the Christians within Iraq to a safe region, and provide support for them to earn a living;
• The Bishop and priests believe there should be a quick solution and that our people are running out of time in Iraq;
• The oppression of the Christians in Iraq is well calculated and has its own political agenda;
• Among Iraq’s citizens, many Iraqi Arabs are happy about what is happening to the Christians, because they are anticipating acquiring their lands and belongings;
• The Clergy described the Shabbak minority as a “time bomb”; they have the full and direct support of Iran, and are working to change the area demographically, occupying much of our Christian land. Parliament Member Hunain Qaddu has announced that Bartella, in the Nineveh Plain, is a Capital for the Shabbak;
• The Clergy stated that Internationalizing our case is the right step to force the world community to find a solution for our people;
• The Bishop noted that the situation of the Christians in Mosul is extremely bad. He stated that people are losing hope and feels that our efforts are too late to make any impact;
• Finally, as a significant factor, the Archdiocese of Mosul for the Syriac Orthodox Church had 2,500 families before 2003. It has now diminished to a mere 300 families.

On November 19, 2010, Mr. Robert DeKelaita visited with Rev. Samaan and Rev Ninos of the Assyrian Church of the East in Ankawa. The priests are in charge of a new complex that is composed of the Church of Mar Youhanan, a school, a house for guests and priests, and a large hall for meetings. Also,the next door restaurant is owned by the Church and brings in income to support it.
Present at the meeting were members of the Youth committee and the Church committee, along with Rev. Samaan and Rev. Ninos. The group expressed much frustration and anger toward the United Sates in response to the latest crisis. There was also frustration with Baghdad, and the KRG.
Members of the committee noted that refugees now are coming into the Ankawa area and seeking help from the Church. The Committee expressed frustration that no one is able to help them. The Church has no funds and the KRG has not set up any programs. The US and Iraqi governments don’t seem to care. I was told that hundreds of families - from the Church of the East only - have now fled to Syria from Baghdad. It is a crisis in every sense of the word. “This attack on [Saydat Najat],” said one member of the committee "was the Hiroshima bomb against the Christians of Iraq."

The Church members noted that Prime Minister Barham Salih had visited the Church and noted that “my doors are open” but that there was no follow up.

We resolved to form a committee - along with the Syriac Orthodox Church, the Chaldean Catholic Church, and the Syriac Catholic Church - to assist the government in the area - and even in Baghdad, to help the refugees. Something needs to be done now. Our people are fleeing with no plan. CASCA can help in this regard in coordination with the United States government and the KRG.

On November 19, 2010, Mr. Robert DeKelaita, accompanied by Dr. Ninos Polous as interpreter, visited with members of the Kakayeen religious group. Like the Yezidis, members of this religious group expressed concerns about mistreatment – past and current – of their people. CASCA’s future report will treat this issue in an extensive manner.

On November 20, 2010, CASCA met with the leadership of the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM) in Ankawa. The CASCA team expressed a concern about coordination with other political parties and praised the ADM for calling a meeting of all of the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian parties earlier in Dohuk. Another meeting was to be set. The ADM leaders expressed interest in supporting, and promised to push for, a unification of the parties on the ground in the interest of our people.

On November 21, 2010, the CASCA team met with the staff of the United States Embassy. Present in the meeting were Mr. Alex Laskaris, the Team Leader, Ms. Diane E. Crow, Assistant Coordinator for the RRT, Kurdistan Region, and Mr. George Sibley, Director of the Office of Iraq Political Affairs. CASCA’s members were pleasantly treated to a lunch and discussion.

CASCA reiterated its position on the issue of the Autonomous Region. The US team noted that the mistreatment of Christians was a very serious problem but the US, or its staff, could not take a position on this question. CASCA noted that we had been working on a paper on the Autonomous Region issue and would forward the same to the team upon its completion. There was much back-and-forth on the issue of autonomy, which will be discussed further in the
near future.

The team informed CASCA that the United States Ambassador, Mr. James Jeffery, had recently visited with President Jalal Talabani, and had had a very long discussion on the situation of the Christians.4 The Team noted that they are willing to help with projects, but CASCA must identify these or link groups that are on the ground. The issue of security (in terms of who receives support from the United States) remains a strong concern. Note that President Jalal Talabani has publically supported the idea of a Christian governorate in Iraq. This was reported by the French News Agency. Further reports on this are developing.

On November 22, 2010, we met with His Excellency, Mr. Barham Salih, the Prime Minister of the Kurdistan Regional Government, along with several staff members. Mr. Salih was welcoming and courteous, and mentioned that he had
been following CASCA’s trip on television. He also welcomed “my friend Guiliana,” and noted that their friendship went back a long time. Mr. Salih noted that he will reiterate President Masud Barzani’s welcome to Christians into the Kurdistan area, stating that this was the land of the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian people on equal terms.

The Prime Minister issued an invitation to open a program on Assyrian/Syriac studies at the University of Sulaymaniyah.

With regard to the Autonomous Region issue, the Prime Minister noted that it was the right of the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian people first and foremost, but expressed a concern that the community not “isolate” itself in struggling for this enterprise. He noted that his message was the same for the Kurds.

On November 23, 2010, our last day, CASCA’s remaining members (Mr. Ismat Karmo, Mr. Guiliana Younan, and Mr. Robert DeKelaita) visited with Mr. Sarkis Aghajan for the last time. Mr. Aghajan was the gracious host to the last, offering a magnificent lunch to the team as a farewell gesture. CASCA expressed its gratitude to Mr. Aghajan for all he had done and wished him well.

Mr. Joseph Kassab had departed early on the morning of November 23, 2010. Mr. Sabah Hermiz left during the afternoon of November 23, 2010. Both headed to Amman, Jordan.

On Monday Nov 23, 2010, Mr. Joseph Kassab arrived in Amman, Jordan. During the first day, he met with UNHCR and the Vatican Humanitarian Agency CARITAS. UNHCR has an “overload” of Iraqi refugees but are moving cases quickly. There are some UNHCR employees whose Islamic background makes them unsympathetic to Christian refugees and our refugees have a lot of fear when they are interviewed by them. Mr. Kassab has identified some of these cases and informed UNHCR.

There is little effort made by UNHCR to inform our people of the services available to them. Our refugee are living in very indecent conditions and their needs are on the increase with little support from any organization except some assistance from the Missionaries of Peace of the Middle East through its director Fr. Khalil Jaar who is a devoted Latin Priest from Bethlehem. Fr. Khalil has pledged to support all Iraqi Christians in Amman.

The Italian Humanitarian Agency AVSI is very much interested in helping our people and wants to do more in Northern Iraq for the recent IDPs. IOM Jordan and Iraq are encouraged to do more work for our IDPs. Planning is underway to support them in order not to leave Iraq. The U.S Embassy in Jordan is concerned about the increased number of IDPs in Northern Iraq and current situation of Minorities in Iraq. The Embassy is looking into programs to assist them in order for them not to leave Iraq. According to officials, Immigration and refugee processing programs in Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon are going well.

The American Embassy and the organizations in Jordan need to know more of our findings and recommendations resulting from our current visit to Iraq.

CARITAS has presence in Iraq but not in the north (capacity issue). Mr. Kassab asked how CASCA can help them to be operational there. More communication is required on this issue. Community based NGOs are prepared and ready to serve IDPs. But coordination between them is much needed.

Though we planned to meet with President Masud Barzani, the head of the KRG, and Mr. Nechervan Barzani, head of the KDP, these meetings did not materialize.

Team’s Joint Observations

1. The impact of the Church massacre: The10/31/10 massacre in our Church in Baghdad - and the threats and attacks afterwards - have left our people
stunned and saddened, yet also brought them together as a people.
Though shaken, many have also formed a somewhat stronger resolve to
remain. In speaking to several people, they expressed more clearly now than before, that our historic and collective ownership of the land must not be relinquished.

One young man from Kirkuk stated “we must stay, and we must stay with a resolve that shows others we are not easy to push out. We are not cowards to be frightened at every turn.” I asked him if he thought of leaving and he said “No. Why would I do that? Who has promised me a better life outside? I would rather stay and if I am killed so be it.”

Another emphasized to me the need for our people to feel ownership and responsibility toward the land. He told me of the current crisis in Bartella. “Our people,” he said, “were once 100% of Bartella. Now we are 40%. The Shabbak have come in and built houses and feel they own the land. They were pushed out by the Sunnis and they feel we do not cling to the land
like they do and do not care for it – even though we were there for thousands of years.”

He was clearly angry. “Why is this? Why do we not have the love and the resolve to stay and to fight for what is ours? This land is sitting on treasures; oil, artifacts, agriculture. We have all this wealth and simply look the other way.”

Yet others are not so sure. A dentist was worried about his future. He felt unsure about his profession and his lack of connections to the KDP. He stated that if he does not join he would be demoted and eventually pushed out. “I have no support as a Christian,” he said, “and I do not see that either Arabs or Kurds care for us or will help us. And our parties are
too small and too divided and ineffective. Where is my hope?” He viewed migration, in light of the massacre, as the only realistic option.

In addition to the problems in Baghdad, the Christians of Kirkuk were also threatened. One member of the community, a resident of the city for more than 60 years, was very vocal in a recent meeting. “The Kurds have their parties and they fight for their goals; the Arabs are divided into Sunni and Shiite camps. Everyone has their power and their wealth, while we are left to the wolves as America watches and calls this idiocy and corruption democracy. Day by day our situation gets worse. Why do they not allow us all to leave without visas since they see we will be slaughtered like sheep?”

2. There is a collective introspection on the part of many of our people in Iraq. What we have seen is that this pain and suffering has brought out the issue of collective survival and rights, along with the concerns for personal safety. The terrorists have created martyrs that have now intensified the search for a solution to our plight.

3. Most members of the community agree that some form of an autonomous region is preferable, even if they themselves have chosen to leave. Our parties must better coordinate. Chaldean Assyrian Syriac Popular Council needs to work closely with all of our organization and parties on the ground there, as does the ADM.

4. Those who have found refuge in the northern areas must be supported, in visiting our villages in the areas of Nineveh; Dohuk, and Erbil, IDP families indicated the hardship our people are living in with little support. Local bishops want to do something to assist these people but they need more coordination among themselves. All agreed that our internally migrant people should stay and not to leave the country. The majority of the recent IDPs have expressed that if help is not on the way soon, they will be obligated to leave the country, as security is not enough. They want jobs, housing, education, and healthcare. CASCA expresses concern and many among our people are migrating aimlessly without direction or planning. They are heading to relatively secured areas in Nineveh plain and Kurdistan including our monasteries, but may head out of Iraq soon, if
something is not done.

5. CASCA has observed that all of our political parties are coming closer to agreement and to working together as CASCA continues to broker the bridge among them and assist them.

6. There is a lack of understanding among our common people about the issue of autonomy and there are forces at work distorting the image of this plan – in addition to the lack of jurisprudence in Iraq on this issue. The same is true of non-ChaldoAssyrians, who have little understanding of the issue. CASCA’s position is that a much better effort is needed in educating our people and others.

 


1 Throughout this report, the terms Assyrian, Chaldean, Syriac, and ChaldoAssyrian are used interchangeably. CASCA abhors the use of such terms to divide people choosing to use one or another of these terms and has called upon governments to respect the people’s will and desire to sort out the issue of the proper name or names.

 


 


 

 

Nineveh Taskforce
Final Report

 Robert DeKelaita
April 22, 2008

 

Introduction

Pursuant to a determination made with the Chaldean Assyrian Syriac Council of America, it was decided that a taskforce would be formed from members of CASCA and sent to the Nineveh Plain area where a large number of ChaldoAssyrians[1] are currently residing. The assignment involved fact-finding. The aim of the taskforce was to gather evidence and produce a report on the current economic, political, and social and cultural state of the ChaldoAssyrians and other minorities in the Nineveh Plain area. The six members of the taskforce were Mr. Aladin Khamis, President of the Assyrian American National Federation; Mr. Sheba Mando, President of the Assyrian National Council of Illinois; Mr. Joseph Kassab, Director of the Chaldean Federation of America; Mr. Ismat Karmo, representative of the Chaldean American Chamber of Commerce; Mr. Adad Ashurseen, representative of the Assyrian National Council of Illinois,  and Mr. Robert DeKelaita, representative of the Assyrian American National Federation.

The taskforce left from Chicago and Detroit and arrived in Irbil, Iraq, on March 12, 2008. The members of the taskforce remained in Iraq from March 12 until March 18, and visited Irbil, Ankawa, Dohuk, and the Nineveh Plain towns of Alqush, Tell Skof, Karimalis, Bartillah, and Bakhdede. Additionally, members visited various other towns and villages.

On March 18, 2008, members Ismat Karmo, Joseph Kassab, and Robert DeKelaita visited Amman, Jordan, and met with NGOs UNESCO, IOM, and OCHA. At the same time, members Sheba Mando, Aladin Khamis, and Adad Ashurseen visited Damascus, Syria.

Demography

 The ChaldoAssyrians of Iraq have historic origins in the Nineveh Plain area and its surrounding lands for millennia. The population of this area is Aramaic-speaking and Christian and has suffered annihilation, persecution, discrimination, and alienation over many centuries by the various groups that have overtaken the region. The repercussions of such suffering have had devastating consequences on the cultural, linguistic, economic and demographic characteristics of the ChaldoAssyrians. Ba’athist rule in the last three decades of the now-fallen regime has resulted in further collective cultural and demographic harm in the form of land confiscation and misappropriation in the area.  

It is important to note that the original demographic and geographic setting of the ChaldoAssyrian people or Aramaic-speaking Christians of the area was much larger and spanned an area that encompasses modern-day Southeastern Turkey (Hakkari and Tur Abdin areas), Northwestern Iran (Salamas, Urmi, and Solduz areas), Syria (Khabour and surrounding areas) as well as a large number of villages in the Dohuk and Irbil governorates. All of these areas composes a more or less cohesive ethno-religious entity that came apart, in particular during the First World War, and subsequently during periodic episodes of persecution that led to forced migrations from various areas. Land confiscations took place in all of these areas, and lastly in the area that is the focus of this report, in a rapid manner over the last century. It is unfortunate that no report exists detailing the pattern and practice of land confiscations in the last century. The focus of this report, however, is rather narrow in that its emphasis is the Nineveh Plain.

Currently, the Nineveh Plain is an area that is primarily identified with two districts within the Nineveh Governorate[2]; the districts or counties of Tell Kais (or Tell Kepe) and that of Hamdaniya (or Bakhdede or Qaraqosh). In this area are over 10 ChaldoAssyrian towns, ranging, from the northernmost, Alqush, Sharafiya, Baqupa, Tell Skof, Batnaya, and Tell Kepe within the district of Tell Kepe, and Bakhdede, Bartillah, Ba’shiqa, and Karimalis in the Hamdaniya district).

In a number of meetings with ChaldoAssyrians, frustration was expressed with a system, previously employed by the former Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein, of slow and steady confiscation of lands for various purposes. It was pointed out that Christian towns in particular suffered the fate of forced allocation of lands, and those who benefited were typically Muslim. Prominent members of the community noted that although the regime of Saddam Hussein was outwardly secular, its tactics and policies served to undermine collective Christian existence in legitimate historical and geographic settings and to cause a dispersion of population that would, in time, lead to either forced or natural assimilation of Christians into the larger Muslim populace.

Prominent Christian officials also expressed concern about and a fear of a growing Islamicization within the current Iraqi government, and a lack of concern for the rights of Christians and their traditions and customs. In Bakhdede, for example, outmoded regulations concerning the limitation of the size of church lands to be used for festivals was cited as one instance of discrimination by the authorities in Mosul and Baghdad. 

While the land confiscation and misappropriation in the NP area is the focus of this report, it is important to note that confiscations of lands in the KRG area are also an issue that must be addressed seriously in assessing the forced demographic changes that have resulted in migration of the ChaldoAssyrian Christians.  

Security

 The security situation remains volatile in this area, with several parallel organized armed forces working in a rather disjointed manner. The area is unsafe to travel, prompting one American official to express surprise at how members of CASCA could have visited the towns noted. In any visit to the area, one cannot help but spot armed men virtually everywhere; some with specific uniforms, others with general uniforms, still others with civilian clothing – but fully armed. The Iraqi army, or Haras Watani (Iraqi National Guard)[3] has stations set up in the area but primarily outside of the towns and villages in the Tell Kaif and Hamdaniya districts. Rather, stations are usually set up with several guards outside of the town. The ING is primarily made up of ethnic Kurds, many of whom are possibly Peshmerga.[4]

In addition to the ING, the Nineveh Plain area contains American forces[5]. In January of 2008, while inspecting a bombed site, Brig. Gen. Saleh Ahmed al-Jabouri, Nineveh Province’s most senior law enforcement official, was killed by a suicide bomber.  

Within the towns, mainly two forces operate; the Iraqi police, and the local guard. The Iraqi police are centered in Mosul, and are assigned from this area. It must be noted that much criticism of the police centers on the fact that the Mosul authorities often assign outsiders from these villages so that the outcome is a predominantly Muslim force in the center of a fully or predominantly Christian town. The police are viewed as both suspect and corrupt and their assignment in Christian villages is viewed as an intention to cause the Christians intimidation. 

In one of the first, and largest, towns visited, Bakhdede, it was noted that over 80% of the current police force is non-Christian.

In addition to the police, NP towns are now guarded by a local guard that is financed directly by Mr. Sargis Aghajan, the Minister of Finance of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). In the town of Bartillah, for example, a force of 600 of these guards, who man checkpoints and patrol the streets and churches, has had a positive impact among some, giving the native residents a collective confidence that they will not be overrun by Arab Muslims or even Kurds. Other residents of NP towns view the guards as suspect, and attach to them motives that are in line with the interests of the KRG and not of their own. Members of the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM), who had, after the immediate collapse of the regime of Saddam Hussein, set up stations in many of the towns in the NP, have since been drastically reduced. In their current status, the ADM’s guards and the local guards exist in an uneasy and undefined truce punctuated by periodic tension.  

Certain residents also expressed concern about the source of the employment and jurisdiction that the guards had. It is uncertain, for example, to whom the guards report or what the source of their power structure is exactly. Additionally, it is uncertain how their relations with the police and other forces are governed. Unlike the police, they do not report to the Mosul authorities. Additionally, at least some members of the ADM expressed concern that the guards harassed their members at certain checkpoints.[6] Additionally, a number of persons expressed concern that the guards’ source of employment does not entitle them to the benefits that government employees receive, neither to the liabilities or responsibilities of government employees.  

In meetings with prominent members of villages in Bartillah, Karmalis, Bakhdede, Tell Skofe, and Alqush, security was viewed as the ultimate goal. One man, in Bartillah, approached me personally to tell me that “We primarily need safety. We must be able to feel safe to produce.” A doctor in Alqush expressed the same sentiments. “We must be able to leave our village and feel some assurance that we will return alive,” he said, “Alqush is not a fortress.”

Economy

The ChaldoAssyrians of the NP area are best described as a “people time forgot.” The appearance of villages gives the impression of economic neglect and depravation. 

The NP area is a largely agricultural area and the economy, insofar at it exists, is based upon agriculture. However, methods are outmoded and outdated. There is currently no organized effort to better agriculture-based economy of the NP areas, and intimidation by Muslims and Kurds with regard to resources such as water is grounds for concern. Villagers expressed outrage that they were unable to seek any type of redress to their complaints of infringements on their water supplies.[7]

There seems to be no organized or governmental concern for order, proper and legal housing, zoning, or building. City or town services seem to be non-existent. Unsanitary and unsafe conditions in public squares or areas are rampant in Bakhdede, Karamalis, Tell Skof, Bartillah, and other areas and are clearly visible to any visitor. The addition of internally displaced people (IDPs) in this area has strained the infrastructure with further burdens. Allocation of resources by larger governmental authorities are, it is stated, the source for the failure of small government.

Virtually no NGOs work in the area.[8] The Assyrian Aid Society, however, is active in some areas. As an Iraqi-based organization, it is limited in its funds and has not, therefore, taken on large-scale projects. In a meeting with the PRT, it was learned that members of the Assyrian Aid Society had met with the PRT earlier in Ankawa. The Nineveh Institute, a research organization, and members of which CASCA met with in Bartillah, has suggested various projects in the area (see attachments).

In a number of NP villages, prominent leaders noted that Mr. Sargis Aghajan, the Finance Minister of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), has provided support in the form of money allocations and housing for IDPs. [9]

No banking or lending activity is present in the NP areas. There is widespread interest among people to engage in various projects on a small-scale.[10] Corruption is a concern in this area as well as areas throughout Iraq.  

 Culture and Education

Of primary concern – and neglect – is the culture and education of the ChaldoAssyrians. Knowledge of their native language and history is drastically limited and lacking. Arabization policies in the past, as well as Kurdification policies in the present, are contributing factors and causes of concern. In this area, the efforts of the Assyrian Aid Society and the Assyrian Democratic Movement, initiated more than a decade ago, have prompted a salvation of the Aramaic or Syriac language and culture of the ChaldoAssyrians, and led an attempt to turn back the tide on Arabization. Such efforts, which include schools entirely in the Aramaic or Syriac language, are in much need of fortification and are necessary for the survivability of the community in the NP area.

In a meeting with the mayor and council members of the town of Bakhdede, which is the most prominent ChaldoAssyrian town in the area, much concern was expressed with the hostile response from either Islamist or Kurdish elements in the Nineveh Governorate’s to religious or cultural concerns expressed by the authorities in Bakhdede. Such concerns include the limitation of space provided for building church facilities for example; citing outdated and inappropriate rules and regulations mean to limit the grown of Christianity in the area.

Historic sites, such as the mound upon which the church of Barbara sits, are completely neglected.[11] Hundreds of tells, which are ancient sites to be excavated and discovered, remain hidden and forgotten. Native interest in such sites promotes a sense of belonging to the area and pride in the NP area, and could well become an attraction for a viable tourism-based economy. No action, however, has been taken in this regard.

Emigration

With the exception of the large town of Tell Kepe, villages in the NP did not have a tradition of migration outside of Iraq. With the fall of the regime of Saddam Hussein, and the formation of a pattern of systematic attacks against the ChaldoAssyrian Christians, emigration from Iraq into, in particular, Syria and Jordan, has become commonplace. In addition to security issues, economic discrimination and alienation of the ChaldoAssyrian villages and towns in the NP area have also contributed to the current exodus. Thousands of families have therefore fled various cities in Iraq, in part because of the lack of infrastructure and support in the NP area.

According to the Assyrian Aid Society (AAS), there are currently close to 7,000 ChaldoAssyrian families in Syria, along with 300 Armenian and 3000 Mandean families. It is possible, according to the AAS, that many other families have not registered in the system. Iraqi refugee families expressed gratitude to the Syrian authorities for their tolerance and assistance. [12]

Currently, the trend of emigration from Iraq, due to both security and economic reasons, will continue unabated unless drastic measures are taken. The central government in Baghdad has had no affect on either the security of the ChaldoAssyrians and other minorities or their deteriorating economic conditions. In fact, many ChaldoAssyrians state that their situation, as well as that of other minorities in NP, is completely neglected by the authorities in Baghdad.  

Other minorities

In addition to the ChaldoAssyrians in the NP areas, significant numbers of Yazidies, Shabak, Turkmen (along with a group known as Kakai) live in the area. The Shabak and the Yazidies consider themselves separate religious and ethnic entities and do not refer to themselves as either Kurds or Arabs, unless for political reasons. The number of Shabak in the area ranges from 80,000 to 100,000, though community activist give higher numbers. The Yazidies are thought to be around 400,000.

Among the minorities in the NP area, there is much expression of concern about the power of the KRG and the neglect or outward hostility by Islamist forces in the Nineveh Governorates. In a meeting with the Shabak, CASCA was informed that since 2003, over 1000 Shabak have been killed, many by way of beheading by Sunni Arab fanatics. Others have been driven from their homes into ChaldoAssyrian villages such as Bartillah.

In addition, the Yazidies have also been targeted in the area and feel a strong affinity with the Christians and other non-Muslims, and form their most natural allies. Hostility toward the Yazidies is strongest among Sunni Muslims in the Nineveh area.

Political Factors

No doubt, political solutions can begin to relieve much of the security and economic as well as cultural concerns of the people living in the areas. Various proposals have been suggested by various parties. It is not the intention of this report, particularly in the preliminary format, to discuss all of the proposals and their legal and political consequences. However, the situation as it exits today is dire for the minorities of the NP area. The ChaldoAssyrians, in particular, suffer from both outright and violent persecution, on the one hand, and complete and utter neglect by the political authorities on the other. The US authorities, like the UN, view the situation of the Christians in Iraq as one that is symptomatic of the current strife and chaos rampant in the country, and do not seem to favor a unique solution to what, from all appearances seem, a unique problem.  

Recommendations

Over time, CASCA’s observations have yielded essentially three choices to the plight of the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian people in Iraq:

  1. The seeking of refuge in Western countries and the abandonment of the properties and homeland of Iraq’s indigenous community. CASCA opposes this alternative as unjust and impractical.

  2. The assimilation of the Chaldean Syriac Assyrians in that this indigenous minority will be essentially forced to leave or abandon its heritage, religion, identity, and geography so as to possibly not be perceived as different from the majority and thus not be targeted. CASCA opposes this alternative as unjust and impractical.

  3. The pursuit of a dignified solution in the form of the recognition of an autonomous/self-administrative area or region in the Nineveh Plain and adjacent areas where the Chaldean Syriac Assyrian people live and have historical roots. This alternative is one that respects Iraq’s integrity and history as an ethnically and religiously diverse state, seeks a viable and realistic solution to a short and long term crises, and takes into account the unique situation of an indigenous minority.


[1] The term ChaldoAssyrian is used interchangeably with Assyrian, Chaldean, Syriac, or Aramaic. Often, however, Syriac or Aramaic is used to denote the language of the people, similar to the use of the term Hebrew for the Jewish or Israeli people.

[2] The Nineveh Governorate is roughly the same area previously known in Ottoman records as the Mosul Vilayet or Wilaya, which contained Irbil and Dohuk as well.

[3] In September 2004, General Talib al-Lahibi was arrested on suspicion of having links with insurgent groups.  In December 2004, it was announced that the Iraqi National Guard would be dissolved. At that time its strength was about 40,000. It is uncertain what the number of the current force is. However, it is widely believed that the bulk of the force from the north is made up Kurdish servicemen.

[4] While this has not been verified, it is the opinion of most of those interviewed in the Nineveh Plain area. While some may view this as criticism, others in the area view it positively as an alliance of convenience.

[5] According to Patrick Patrick Cockburn, a correspondent for the Independent who has been visiting Iraq since 1977,  US influence is on the retreat in Nineveh province, as it is in the rest of Iraq. There are few troops on the ground: no more than six thousand American soldiers remain in an area with a population of nearly three million. For a year after the invasion, 21,000 men from the heavily equipped 101st Airborne Division had been stationed in Mosul. The division’s commander, General David Petraeus, probably the most intelligent senior American officer in Iraq, reached a tentative understanding with the local Sunni Arab establishment. Thousands of former army officers took a public oath renouncing the Baath Party. The Kurds were furious that the Americans were truckling to Saddam’s former lieutenants. Since then, the American military has changed tack, favouring the Kurds and hostile to the Sunni Arabs. But they have no choice: the Kurds are America’s most important ally. In Mosul the CIA depends on Kurdish intelligence. ‘When the CIA tried to operate by themselves in the city last year they learned nothing,’ a local observer said. ‘These days the Kurds provide the agents and the Americans provide the money and together they are very effective.’ But perhaps they aren’t effective enough. The Sunni Arabs of the north remain wholly alienated and will continue to give shelter to the resistance. Animosity between Kurds and Arabs in Mosul is deep. A Kurdish leader in Arbil said: ‘Mosul is a time bomb waiting to explode.’ Khasro Goran was more optimistic, but in passing he mentioned that at the time of the election somebody had tried to assassinate him, killing one of his bodyguards and wounding two others.”

[6] In addition, a number of persons working with the ADM in various capacities expressed alienation by various authorities in the NP area due to the growing power of Mr. Sargis Aghajan. Ordinary persons, for example, voiced frustration that working with one group, even minimally, would engender the wrath of the other. While this animosity has never reached a violent level, care must be taken to guard that it never does.

[7] One farmer in Karamalis stated “we want nothing but to do what we have always done – farm the land. And we cannot farm as we need to because they are controlling our water. Can you tell us why? Why can’t we just do what we have done? Who will help us?” This was stated in the presence of the Mayer of Karamalis, who remained silent.

[8] It must be noted that American officials claimed that often their activities must be kept covert due to fear of anti-American sentiments and the possibly violent consequences this may bring. To date, however, this report cannot verify any significant projects.

[9] Confirmation of these efforts and the scale of the undertaking remain pending.

[10] In a meeting in Alqush, for example, a number of projects needed were suggested. Villagers were asked to make a list of such suggestions. CASCA is awaiting a number of such lists.

[11] One villager told me that ancient artifacts, such as pottery or clay tablets, are routinely discovered by children and disregarded.  He was taken aback at my reaction. “What should we do with them?” he asked, “there are too many.”

[12] According to Mr. Sheba Mando, president of the ANCI and member of the CASCA taskforce, who recently visited Syria.

 

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Nineveh; Nightmare and Safe Haven
The current plight of Iraq’s Assyrian Christians
and a Proposed Solution


Robert DeKelaita
March 4, 2010
 

The Current Problem

 

For over seven years, the world has been alarmed by the plight of Iraq’s Assyrian Christians 1. Over sixty churches have been bombed; priests have been abducted and murdered; bishops have been targeted; entire communities uprooted and forced to flee. In short, from the perspective of Iraq’s Assyrians, the attempt to democratize Iraq has failed to provide them the long-awaited peace and prosperity. In fact, the consequences have prompted an exodus that may well lead to the extinction of the Assyrian people, the last Aramaic-speaking Christians of Iraq.

 

The Attempts at Genocide

 

There is no doubt that Iraq’s Christians are an ancient minority whose native territory once included northern Iraq, southeastern Turkey, northwestern Iran, and northeastern Syria. Due to persecution by Turks, Kurds, Arabs, and Persians, the community dwindled over the centuries. In particular, the persecutions of World Ward I overwhelmed the community and led to the annihilation of perhaps two-thirds of its population 2.

 

During the regime of Saddam Hussein, Iraq was ruled by a nationalist party, the Arab Socialist Ba’ath. The Ba’ath Party’s ideology was centered on Arab nationalism. Its focus, therefore, was not so much religious as ethnic, in keeping with its nationalist ideology of prompting the ‘Arab nation’. It sought, and in many cases succeeded, into nullifying the language, heritage, culture, and nationalist sentiments of the Assyrians and other ethnic minorities. It did this in both subtle and overt manner; at times with violence, or threats of violence, and at times with economic incentives 3. The regime’s brutality toward its political opponents is well known, as is its mistreatment of the Assyrian Christians for primarily ethnic or political reasons 4.

 

With the collapse of the regime after the entry of the United States in 2003, the persecution of Assyrian Christians took on a more ‘popular’ path. Suddenly, groups previously repressed by the Saddam Hussein’s government for various reasons began to view the Christians as de facto allies of the West in general and the United States in particular. According to the State Department, the view that Iraqi Christians supported the US invasion of Iraq was “widespread” among Iraqi insurgents 6.

 

On August 1, 2004, the war on Iraqi Christians was triggered, and has intensified since that time. Various groups, some Islamic and others militant and nationalistic, have been blamed. The Iraqi government, some argue, is trying to do its best. Given the facts on the ground, however, this is, at best, questionable. Dr. Joel Brinkley is a professor of journalism at Stanford University and a former foreign policy correspondent for the New York Times. Recently he characterized Iraq’s current government as “a venal, dysfunctional government. A terrorist haven and training ground. A nation so violent and dangerous that 10 percent of the population has fled.” He further noted, “Add to that a new hallmark: nearly the most corrupt nation on Earth.” 7

 

Recently, the Patriarch of the Syriac Catholic Church, Ignace Joseph III Younan, accused the Iraqi government of complicity in the killing of Christians.

 

In such an environment, a vulnerable minority cannot have much hope. Indeed, those who seek the destruction of the Christian community have found the perfect opportunity at this time. For example, an Associated Press article notes:

 

Although Islamic extremists have targeted Iraqi Christians before, bombing churches and threatening religious leaders, the latest attacks have taken on a far more personal tone. Many Christians are being expelled from their homes and forced to leave their possessions behind, police, human rights groups and residents said.
 

The Christian community here, about 3 percent of the country's 26 million people, has little political or military clout to defend itself, and some Islamic insurgents call Christians "crusaders" whose real loyalty lies with U.S. troops.
 

Many churches are now nearly empty, with many of their faithful either gone or too scared to attend. 8

It is also critical to note that the United States Department of State also acknowledged a problem. The State Department’s Issue Paper on Christians notes:

 

…many individuals are targeted because of their religious identity or secular leanings. In its 2005 report, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) noted that most Iraqi Christians claim fear of persecution from insurgent groups (e.g. Ansar Al-Sunna)and Islamic militias such as the Badr Organization or the Mehdi Army, which have extensive control of the streets in several major cities or towns. 9

The State Department Report further notes:
UNHCR also noted that members of the Assyrian and Chaldean communities are generally recognized by the different insurgent groups as associated with foreign powers, and therefore may be discriminated against or persecuted. Assyrians and Chaldeans are largely perceived to be supporters of the United States due to the fact that they are Christians and their general political affiliation with the West. 10

Finally, the United States Department of State’s Issue Paper on Christians states:
As the UNHCR recently found in its 2005 report: “Acts of violence reported by Christians and/ or which appear to target Christians include bombings and other attacks on churches…the serious or fatal attacks on shop owners and/or business persons involved in trading and selling alcohol, harassment, extortion, kidnapping, and even torture of persons perceived as not respecting Islam (e.g. women who appear without a hijab, persons accused of not respecting the teachings of the Koran and persons refusing to convert to Islam)…Others have been targeted for kidnapping against ransom based on the perception that Christians are generally more wealthy than others.” It states further: “While much of the hardship and harassment they report that they face is symptomatic of the situation of general insecurity faced by the Iraqis in present day Iraq, members of the Christian minority nevertheless appear to be particularly targeted.” 11

Not only is the situation dire in the cities of Iraq, but also even in areas considered ‘safe’, such as the Kurdistan region. According to the Christian bishop there, it was as dangerous as elsewhere.

The bishop speaks from Kurdistan, upon till now an oasis of calm where Iraq’s Christians could find refuge. He speaks of the “frightening situation” for the community in big cities and in the small villages. Yesterday’s attack on Tell-el-skop, where a car bomb was exploded close o the headquarters of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, the Kurdish political party lead by Massoud Balzani, was not the first such attack. The explosion seriously damaged the nearby Dominican Convent and primary school and kindergarten which the sisters run. At least 10 people were killed among them two children; among them 140 wounded. A sister present at the time of the blast said the explosion terrorized the little ones, who up on till now had never witnessed such violence in their village.

 

The Bishop, the article quotes the bishop pleading for salvation of his people. “Find a way,” the bishop stated, “a means to save us, the Church in all of Iraq is in great danger. We beg the Vatican to help us bring our voice to the world”. 12

Under these circumstances, it is difficult to assure any respondent a safe return to Iraq.

Comments of observers for a number of years now have sounded the alarm for what appears to be an attempt to eradicate an ancient minority. Father Keith Roderick of Christian Solidarity International noted, after several church bombings, the events “should leave no doubt in any one’s mind that a process of ethnic cleansing has begun.” In the same context, an Assyrian Priest, Father Bashar Warda, noted that "Christians in Iraq are on their way to extinction, cut off from the country's political process.” 13
“Unfortunately,” stated Father Roderick, “the US has put very little pressure on the Iraqi government to establish, as guaranteed by provisions in the Iraqi constitution, an autonomous federal unit of self governance and security for these minorities.” 14

 

The Nineveh Solution

 

As one who had twice visited Iraq since the fall of the regime, as well as being in touch with thousands of Assyrians who have been forced to flee Iraq, certain solutions are not beyond reach. One of these has been described as the ‘autonomy solution’ for the Nineveh Plain area, a traditionally Assyrian or Christian-inhabited area for many years. 15

 

Understanding the Demography

 

The Assyrians of Iraq have historic origins in the Nineveh Plain area and its surrounding lands for millennia. The population of this area is Aramaic-speaking and Christian and has suffered annihilation, persecution, discrimination, and alienation over many centuries by the various groups that have overtaken the region. The repercussions of such suffering have had devastating consequences on the cultural, linguistic, economic and demographic characteristics of the Assyrians. Ba’athist rule in the last three decades of the now-fallen regime has resulted in further collective cultural and demographic harm in the form of land confiscation and misappropriation in the area.

It is important to note that the original demographic and geographic setting of the Assyrian people or Aramaic-speaking Christians of the area was much larger and spanned an area that encompasses modern-day Southeastern Turkey (Hakkari and Tur Abdin areas), Northwestern Iran (Salamas, Urmi, and Solduz areas), Syria (Khabour and surrounding areas) as well as a large number of villages in the Dohuk and Irbil governorates. All of these areas composes a more or less cohesive ethno-religious entity that came apart, in particular during the First World War, and subsequently during periodic episodes of persecution that led to forced migrations from various areas. Land confiscations took place in all of these areas, and lastly in the area that is the focus of this report, in a rapid manner over the last century. It is unfortunate that no report exists detailing the pattern and practice of land confiscations in the last century.

Currently, the Nineveh Plain is an area that is primarily identified with two districts within the Nineveh Governorate 16; the districts or counties of Tell Kaif (or Tell Kepe) and that of Hamdaniya (or Bakhdede or Qaraqosh). In this area are over 10 ChaldoAssyrian towns, ranging, from the northernmost, Alqush, Sharafiya, Baqupa, Tell Skof, Batnaya, and Tell Kepe within the district of Tell Kepe, and Bakhdede, Bartillah, Ba’shiqa, and Karimalis in the Hamdaniya district).

In a number of meetings with Assyrians, frustration was expressed with a system, previously employed by the former Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein, of slow and steady confiscation of lands for various purposes. It was pointed out that Christian towns in particular suffered the fate of forced allocation of lands, and those who benefited were typically Muslim. Prominent members of the community noted that although the regime of Saddam Hussein was outwardly secular, its tactics and policies served to undermine collective Christian existence in legitimate historical and geographic settings and to cause a dispersion of population that would, in time, lead to either forced or natural assimilation of Christians into the larger Muslim populace.

Prominent Christian officials also expressed concern about and a fear of a growing Islamicization within the current Iraqi government, and a lack of concern for the rights of Assyrian Christians and their traditions and customs. In Bakhdede, for example, outmoded regulations concerning the limitation of the size of church lands to be used for festivals was cited as one instance of discrimination by the authorities in Mosul and Baghdad.

 

The Autonomous Region/Administrative Area Solution;
Security and Economic Viability

 

The Assyrian Christians have suffered from both violence by various fundamentalist parties and individuals, as well as the assimilation in Arabism initiated by the previous regime. Toward this solution, it is critical that we consider the recognition of an autonomous region, to encompass the villages traditionally inhabited by the Assyrians, as well as some of the surrounding villages. A movement toward autonomy has been instigated by various parties, and is now gaining support among Assyrians in and out of the United States.


1  Assyrian Christians are also known as Chaldeans, Syriacs, or Arameans. In addition, and in an effort to bring uses of all of these names together, the terms ChaldoAssyrian or Assyrochaldean have also been used.
2  See, for example, Malek-Yonan, Rosie The Crimson Field  (September 2005). Pearlida Publishing. ISBN 0-9771873-4-9.
3 See Amatzia Baram’s Culture, History and Ideology in the Formation of Ba'thist Iraq, 1968-89, St. Martin’s Press, 1991.
4 This point should not be understood to mean that there was no religious conflicts or persecution. It merely notes that the primary focus was on national or ethnic aspirations.
5 See US Department of State’s Issue Paper on Christians, 2006, p.7.
6 See article in San Francisco Chronicle, June 8, 2008, Iraqi Thievery and the State Department.
7 See Iraqi Government Accused of Complicity in Christian Murders, Assyrian International News Agency, February 27, 2010, and www.zenit.org
8 Ravi Nessman, Associated Press Writer, May 6, 2007

9 United States Department of State, Christians in Iraq, March 2005, p. 3
10 United States Department of State, Christians in Iraq, March 2005, p. 3
11 State Department Issue paper report, p.6

12 See Asia News, at Asianews.it, April 24, 2007, Bishop of Kurdistan: The Church in Iraq is in great danger.
13 See FrontPage Magazine’s The Blood of Iraqi Martyrs, by Ken Timmerman, May 25, 2007.
14 See above.
15 Pursuant to a determination made with the Chaldean Assyrian Syriac Council of America, it was decided that a taskforce would be formed from members of CASCA and sent to the Nineveh Plain area where a large number of ChaldoAssyrians are currently residing. The assignment involved fact-finding. The aim of the taskforce was to gather evidence and produce a report on the current economic, political, and social and cultural state of the ChaldoAssyrians and other minorities in the Nineveh Plain area. The six members of the taskforce were Mr. Aladin Khamis, President of the Assyrian American National Federation; Mr. Sheba Mando, President of the Assyrian National Council of Illinois; Mr. Joseph Kassab, Director of the Chaldean Federation of America; Mr. Ismat Karmo, representative of the Chaldean American Chamber of Commerce; Mr. Adad Ashurseen, representative of the Assyrian National Council of Illinois, and Mr. Robert DeKelaita, representative of the Assyrian American National Federation.
The taskforce left from Chicago and Detroit and arrived in Irbil, Iraq, on March 12, 2008. The members of the taskforce remained in Iraq from March 12 until March 18, and visited Irbil, Ankawa, Dohuk, and the Nineveh Plain towns of Alqush, Tell Skof, Karimalis, Bartillah, and Bakhdede. Additionally, members visited various other towns and villages.
On March 18, 2008, members Ismat Karmo, Joseph Kassab, and Robert DeKelaita visited Amman, Jordan, and met with NGOs UNESCO, IOM, and OCHA. At the same time, members Sheba Mando, Aladin Khamis, and Adad Ashurseen visited Damascus, Syria.

16 The Nineveh Governorate is roughly the same area previously known in Ottoman records as the Mosul Vilayet or Wilaya, which contained Irbil and Dohuk as well.

 

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 Recognizing a Reality

A dignified Solution to the Plight of Iraq’s ChaldoAssyrians

 A Nineveh Taskforce Report by Ismat Karmo
 
May7th, 2008

 Introduction

Pursuant to a determination made with the Chaldean Assyrian Syriac Council of America, it was decided that a taskforce would be formed from members of CASCA and sent to the Nineveh Plain area where a large number of ChaldoAssyrians[1] are currently residing. This report and proposal followed the trip of March 2008.  

 

The Problem

 The following document seeks to determine a long-term solution to the current situation that the ChaldoAssyrian community and other religious minorities find themselves in.

 For the past 50 years, the ChaldoAssyrian community has been fleeing its indigenous homeland in Iraq at an alarming rate. This emigration from their native lands in Iraq, particularly from the Nineveh Plains to neighboring countries and the West, is due to many issues facing Christians in the Middle East and has recently been amplified due to a plethora of causes since Operation Iraqi Freedom began in 2003.

 Unlike other minorities in the Middle East, the ChaldoAssyrian community not only faces ethnic discrimination but also religious discriminations, which are often more intense. Religious minorities in Iraq and the Middle East are regarded as second-class citizens. Their towns and villages receive poor funding and security from the central or regional government, ethnic majorities are favored by their own constituents in power in regards to business and economic dealings, minority rights are not protected because their political clout does not have significant weight on majority party politics, etc…

 

It is important to note that none of these actions by the Islamic majority are new; for the past 1,400 years under Islamic rule religious minorities have experienced fluctuating degrees of persecution, but never in history have religious minorities in Iraq ever faced the reality of completely disappearing from their native lands. In the past, religious minorities were left in generally isolated villages; a religiously motivated attack on them would last for some time but would eventually subdue, and Christians, Shabaks, Yezidis, and Turkmen could return to rebuild their lives and cultures. Other than conversion, simply enduring persecution has often been the only option for religious minorities for the past 1,400 years. In recent decades there has been a change in the world’s dynamic that has made the future of Christians and other minorities in Iraq bleak. In an increasingly interdependent and globalized society, Christians and other minorities no longer have to endure persecution, but are given the opportunity to flee it by emigrating to more progressive countries and the Christian west. While this may be positive in the sense that there is relative peace for many families, what the world is currently witnessing is a flood of Christians and other minorities out of Iraq, leaving their native, historic villages empty. In recent decades, with the rise of radical Islam, and especially since the September 11th attacks, this persecution and consequent emigration has intensified.

 

These religious minorities in Diaspora will eventually assimilate into the surrounding cultures they adopt and in a few generations will be lost forever. This can already be seen taking place today: Third and fourth generation German, French or Irish immigrants to the United States have little left to identify themselves as unique in relation to other Americans of European descent; but Germany, France and Ireland still exist as independent nations which serve to preserve the respective cultures despite the distance (in time or location) their children may be from their homelands. Many solutions to the problem of minority rights in Iraq and the Middle East have been offered, but they are oftentimes only reactionary, specific to isolated events and situations. The goal must rather be to establish a solution that will ensure the long-term preservation and survival of these individuals without forfeiting their native cultures.

 

The Solution

 The only reasonable long-term solution to the issues facing the religious minorities in Iraq is the creation of an Autonomous, Self-Administered Region (ASAR) within the country.

An ASAR is a political and legal concept that seeks the establishment of a region where its people administrate their affairs through executive and legislative branches of governance. The limits of the authority of the ASAR are to be negotiated with the federal government, which will legislate and establish the region as autonomous and self-administered.

 The region is to have its own budget whose sources will be primarily three:

  • It will have its own share of revenues from the total federal government budget

  • Taxes will be imposed upon the ASAR’s own citizens

  • International aid will be used to support the region

The ASAR will have control over its budget, spending it in places where the federal government focuses little attention.

The ASAR will have an elected parliament whose legislations will have the force of law within the governing territory. The legislative body will work to solve internal problems faced by religious minorities in Iraq. The legislation by the ASAR parliament will be enforced by the federal government in said territory as long as those laws do not contradict the federal constitution. Legislation can be extended beyond the geography of the region. The effect can reach its native people in different areas of Iraq and neighboring countries.

 Asking for an ASAR is in total compliance with the federal constitution of Iraq and the new federal structure of Iraq, and also complies with international law. The responsibility of achieving an ASAR is not only our responsibility as religious minorities of Iraq, but it is the responsibility of neighboring Kurds, Arabs and the international community. Accomplishing the ASAR is a test for all Iraqis to prove how far they have come and how far they are able to go in adopting the ideals of ethic and religious coexistence and the values of democracy, freedom and equality for all minorities that make up the fabric of Iraqi society.    

 Iraq as a federal government made of multi economical and political stable provinces tied in one democracy would make it a key role model for neighboring states in the region as well as the rest of the developing world. Iraq is unique and perfect place to implement such model due to its plurality in regards to ethnicity, religion, location, wealth, resources, historical leadership in the region and its potential for economic success. Therefore, due to the implications of a departure of this demographic and the key benefits of its staying and playing a role in Iraq’s progress, protecting and rebuilding Iraq’s ancestral ChaldoAssyrian community should be incorporated into policy making decisions as it is advantageous for not only Iraq, but also the region, the US, the EU and world community’s interests.


[1] The term ChaldoAssyrian is used interchangeably with Assyrian, Chaldean, Syriac, or Aramaic. Often, however, Syriac or Aramaic is used to denote the language of the people, similar to the use of the term Hebrew for the Jewish or Israeli people.

 

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